Marikana massacre

On 16 August 2012, the South African Police Service (SAPS) shot and killed 34 striking miners at Lonmin’s platinum mine near Marikana, Rustenburg, North West Province. A further 78 miners were wounded and 259 arrested. Including earlier violence during the strike period (9–16 August), a total of 47–48 people died. It was the most lethal use of force by South African security forces against civilians since the Sharpeville massacre of 1960.

Background: Rock drill operators at the Lonmin mine began a wildcat strike on 9 August 2012, demanding wages of R12,500/month (up from ~R4,000). The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) had lost majority membership at Lonmin to the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU). NUM was seen as aligned with management; AMCU had promised the R12,500 wage was attainable. Lonmin had form — in July 2012 it had granted a housing allowance increase to miners outside collective agreements, suggesting willingness to negotiate under pressure. Violence preceded the massacre: 10 people died between 12–16 August including miners, two Lonmin security guards, and two police officers. On 16 August, police deployed in force around the koppie (hill) where strikers gathered and opened fire.

Ramaphosa’s role: Cyril Ramaphosa was a non-executive director at Lonmin and chairman of its BEE partner, Incwala Resources. His family trust held a 30% stake in Shanduka Group (founded 2001), which had coal supply relationships with Eskom and mining interests. The day before the massacre (15 August 2012, 14:58), Ramaphosa sent emails to Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa and Mineral Resources Minister Susan Shabangu, describing the strike as “dastardly criminal acts” and calling for “concomitant action.” He wrote to Lonmin executive Albert Jamieson: “The terrible events that have unfolded cannot be described as a labour dispute. They are plainly dastardly criminal and must be characterized as such.” These emails were revealed at the Farlam Commission by Advocate Dali Mpofu, representing the arrested and injured miners, who described them as evidence of “toxic collusion between the state and capital.”

Farlam Commission (2012–2015): The Commission of Inquiry was chaired by retired judge Ian Farlam, reporting in June 2015. On Ramaphosa: “The Commission is of the view that it cannot be said that Mr Ramaphosa was the ‘cause of the massacre’. There is no basis for the commission to find even on a prima facie basis that Mr Ramaphosa is guilty of the crimes he is alleged to have committed.” The commission found police Commissioner Riah Phiyega’s fitness for office should be investigated, and found Lonmin had failed its legal obligations regarding housing for workers. No police officers were prosecuted for the 34 deaths. Phiyega was later suspended.

Aftermath: Miners settled for a 22% raise and R2,000 payment in September 2012. Ramaphosa sold his Shanduka stake to Phembani Group in May 2015 in a $722 million merger, resolving the conflict-of-interest created by his business ties to Lonmin when he became Deputy President in 2014. Lonmin was later acquired by Sibanye-Stillwater. Compensation payments to victims’ families were partially settled years later. The EFF and miners’ families maintained through 2026 that those who gave the orders were never held accountable. The massacre symbolised the gulf between South Africa’s post-apartheid black elite and mine workers remaining in poverty.

Connections

  • Cyril Ramaphosa — Lonmin non-executive director and Incwala chair; sent “concomitant action” emails the day before the massacre; exonerated by Farlam Commission
  • Lonmin — British platinum mining company; mine operator; found to have breached housing obligations
  • Shanduka Group — Ramaphosa’s investment vehicle; sold to Phembani 2015 to resolve post-Marikana conflict-of-interest
  • Phembani Group — absorbed Shanduka including Ramaphosa’s stake post-Marikana fallout
  • ANC (African National Congress) — ANC NEC member Ramaphosa; NUM historically ANC-linked

Sources